News Flash: Detroit is not going away

Here is the thing about pessimism: It doesn’t get you anywhere. Throwing up your hands and declaring the hopelessness of social problems and policy conundrums does not make them go away. It certainly cannot solve anything.

That’s why it is disheartening when folks like Nolan Finley, who ought to know better, imply that the state’s largest city is simply doomed and there is nothing that can be done about it. In a Nov. 20 column, Finley, editorial page editor of the Detroit News, invoked the notion of the “end times” to describe Detroit’s current financial situation. At this point, Finley wrote, “Detroit’s fate seems tragically sealed.”

That kind of primal scream might be satisfying to those who see Detroit mainly as problem to be disposed of, rather than a challenge to be embraced. But it’s not realistic or helpful. Detroit isn’t a fall maple leaf that will dry up and blow away. On the contrary, Detroit makes up the roots and the trunk of its metro region and state – and is not going anywhere.

Why do I say that? It’s not just because I happen to live there.

First, of all, the historical significance of Detroit cannot be denied. Michigan would not be what it is now if Antoine de La Mothe Cadillac had not created his settlement on the straits 1701. It is in Detroit that our forebearers built grand monuments to God like Ste. Anne de Détroit, Sweetest Heart of Mary, and Jefferson Avenue Presbyterian. It’s where Henry Ford created his innovative Piquette Plant. Without the hodgepodge of immigrants, transplants from the south and others who came to Detroit to make a life, the suburbs – which now form the center of economic gravity for southeast Michigan – would not exist. That’s too much to throw away.

I also believe Michigan cannot hope to be competitive again without reviving the urbanity craved by the young and creative among us. If Detroit continues to decline, we’re going to keep losing them to Chicago, New York, Boston and other places where quality city life can be had. Don’t think so? Talk to some of the smartest undergraduates at University of Michigan, Michigan State or Wayne State. For the most part, they don’t wax nostalgically about life in subdivisions built atop former corn fields or the thrill of driving on I-75 at rush hour. More likely, they want to own a loft and ride a subway to work.

But even if you don’t buy any of that, one fact is undeniable: Whether or not the state could get along without Detroit is irrelevant. Detroit isn’t going to disappear. The city will not fall into the Detroit River and wash into Lake Erie. It’s not going to be annexed by Windsor. It isn’t going to be sold for scrap. As Detroit Councilman Ken Cockrel Jr. pointed out this week, it’s unlikely to be wiped out by a “zombie apocalypse” any time soon. Given that, pessimism is not an option because it is useless.

If  Detroit really does have a future (and it does), then the only thing left to discuss is what kind of future we want for it and what we can do to bring it about. That’s where things get hard.

I completely agree with Finley when he says Detroit’s situation looks bleak and that getting the city’s finances in better shape will be an ugly process. City employees will be laid off. Assets will be auctioned. Services will be cut. It’s possible that all of that will be overseen by outsiders brought in by the state.

But Detroit is not doomed, and its future need not resemble “chasing water down the drain” (Finley’s words, not mine) unless we choose to make it that way. It’s time to get serious about governing the Detroit area more like the region it really is, rather than the Balkanized set of little, disconnected fiefdoms that we pretend it is. To do that, we need to find ways to get over the racially charged suspicion and resentments that have kept us divided.

That will not be easy. Suburban communities fear that regionalism is just a gussied-up euphemism for “bailing out” Detroit and a lot of them hate the whole idea. Detroiters are suspicious that the real goal of regionalists is the wholesale theft of Detroit’s best assets (like the water system) by the same people who abandoned the city in the first place. Once the city is picked clean, they believe, city residents will be even worse off than they are now,

But as hard as the regionalist mindset has been to adopt, it’s the only path forward that won’t leave our grandchildren still assigning blame for the same old problems. So we have to take the risk.

Regionalism gets started when we recognize that the lines on the map of southeast Michigan are imaginary. The middle class people who fled the city over the past half century did not, I hate to tell them, flee far enough. And unless they move to Pluto, it’s unlikely that they will ever be completely free from the impact of problems like poverty, crime, drugs, unemployment and mental illness – all of which exist in concentrated form in America’s cities.

Like it or not, we’re all in this together. Detroit’s problems are your problems because, regardless of where you draw those lines on your map, the Detroit region really is one big community. If we abandon the richness of the city’s history, its institutions and its economic potential, we aren’t just hurting Detroit, we make the entire area – and in fact the entire state – less well off.

If you live, say, 20 miles outside the city, you are likely living in a place filled with movie theaters, shopping malls, nice parks, great hospitals and just about every creature comfort you could hope to purchase. Because of that, you might think you are immune from Detroit’s problems. But whether you realize it or not, you are missing something – a lot of things, in fact.

First, and most obviously, you are missing the economic impact that a vital, healthy city can provide even to suburban residents who never venture into it. Good cities are powerful economic engines. Some of the energy for that comes from tourism and entertainment. Some of it comes from cities’ ability to attract immigrants, who bring with them their cultures, their entrepreneurialism and a solid work ethic. More power is generated simply from the magic of urban density, which brings together people and ideas in unexpected ways.

The other things cities do for us can be intangible, but equally important. There’s just something about being in places with a connection to the past – historical buildings, neighborhoods once inhabited by the great people of the past, the sites of important, world-shaping events. Detroit has all of those – and some mighty nice restaurants as well.

Holding on to old resentments or minding our own little pots of tax revenue and power will not give the Detroit region a good bus system or light rail. It won’t fix our roads. It won’t make our municipalities more solvent. It won’t make our schools more competitive or make our kids more likely to stay put after college. Regional cooperation has the potential to do all of those things. So, let’s get going.

Let’s make Detroit the healthy center of a thriving region and state.

Thank goodness Obama was at the wheel to save the Big Three in 2009

If some of the latest thinking in physics is correct, there very well could be an alternative universe in which the federal government did not step in to rescue General Motors and Chrysler after the 2008 financial collapse.

Perhaps, in that alternative universe, Alternative Barack Obama lost the 2008 election to Alternative John McCain. Or, maybe, Alternative Obama simply chickened out of forceful intervention to rescue two-thirds of the Alternative Detroit Three.

Whatever the reason for the inaction, we can all be glad we’re not living in Alternative Michigan. In that universe, the Renaissance Center in the Alternative Detroit, the GM Tech Center in Alternative Warren, and Chrysler’s headquarters in Alternative Auburn Hills are vacant and a lot of factories have gone idle. Alternative Michigan also is bound to have unemployment that rivals or exceeds levels seen during the Great Depression. It also is, no doubt, a powder keg for social unrest as mass joblessness and despair take their toll on the social fabric of the entire state.

Yep. Alternative Michigan has to be a pretty awful place to be right now. They’re livin’ in Mad Max times. So it’s perplexing that all the major Republican presidential candidates are on record as saying the auto rescue was a mistake. What they’re really saying is that the dystopian situation of Alternative Michigan is exactly what ourMichigan should be facing right now.

OK, at this point, some of you will begin to challenge my premise. Maybe the Chinese would have swooped in with enough capital to save them. Perhaps GM and Chrysler could have emerged from a regular bankruptcy as lean, mean import-fighting machines. And even if GM and Chrysler had failed, wouldn’t that have opened up peachy-keen opportunities to re-think our economy and re-deploy our workforce in new ways?

Sure. And maybe C-SPAN will start getting better TV ratings than “The X Factor.”

People who make a living taking a close look at the auto industry and its economic impact think the collapse of the Detroit Three (for a lot of reasons GM and Chrysler probably would have dragged Ford down with them) would have generated anything but a rosy scenario for Michigan and the nation.

Back in 2008, when the auto rescue was being debated, the Center for Automotive Research (which, despite being based in Ann Arbor is no commie outfit) predicted incredibly dire consequences from a “major contraction” of the Michigan-based automakers. Among them:

• The rapid loss of 2.5 million to 3 million jobs in the U.S. – many of them permanently. 
• The collapse of the domestic auto suppliers, which could have disrupted production for every company making cars in the U.S. – including the foreign companies. 
• Increased prices for imported parts and supplies that would have been needed to substitute for the loss of domestically sourced items.

Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Economy.com, said in December 2008 that, for every one lost job in auto assembly lines, another nine jobs would have been lost “at auto suppliers, auto dealers, steel and metal suppliers, plastic and rubber companies, health care providers, trucking and freight operators, and others.”

Keep in mind that all this would have happened at a time when the economy was already losing hundreds of thousands of jobs every month and demand for goods and services was shrinking rapidly. The chances that all those autoworkers would have found gainful employment elsewhere – or could all have launched Subway franchises or eBay businesses to replace their lost incomes – would have been slim.

So, while saving jobs in the auto industry was costly (optimistic estimates put the ultimate cost of the auto rescue $14 billion), it’s not like the collapse of the domestic auto industry would have been cost-free. Most of the auto refugees would have been thrown into the nation’s stretched-thin state unemployment compensation systems. Applications for Food Stamps – already shockingly high – would have soared into low-Earth orbit. Depending on how one does the math, it’s plausible that the taxpayers got off cheap.

Given all of that, I sure am glad to be living in this universe –the one in which GM and Chrysler are profitable and actually hiring people – instead of in Alternative Michigan. And I am very glad that President Obama was making the decisions back in early 2009.

Regulate Michigan’s medical pot business, but don’t kill it

In January 1920, as the 18^th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was about to become effective, the evangelist Billy Sunday, one of America’s great crusaders against the scourge of “John Barleycorn” proclaimed that a grand new era was about to emerge.

“Men will walk upright now, women will smile and the children will laugh,” Sunday told a crowd in Norfolk, Va. “Hell will be forever for rent.”

Of course, things did not turn out that way. The battle against booze was lost and Prohibition was repealed after 13 years. But, attempts to use the force of law against intoxication and addiction persist to this day – even as they continue to be ineffective. Forty years after President Richard Nixon formally declared a “war on drugs,” Americans are signaling at the voting booth and in opinion polls that they are ready to consider certain forms of tactical retreat.

Michigan policy makers should heed that sentiment as they consider possible changes to the Michigan Medical Marihuana Act, passed overwhelmingly by Michigan voters in 2008.

At this point, I should explain that I am not a marijuana user and I don’t particularly approve of regular, recreational use of pot. Mary Jane supporters are just wrong when they argue that the drug has few ill effects. For some people I have known, it has proved to be psychologically addictive and a destructive force in their lives. On the other hand, I have been completely convinced that the medicalbenefits of marijuana are real.

People I know well and respect – in at least one case, this includes a person who had in no way ever been part of the American drug culture – have benefitted greatly from the medical use of cannabis to control nausea and relieve pain. It seems counter-intuitive to think that anything that is smoked can actually be used as medicine. However, marijuana works in cases in which other drugs fail. Nobody suffering from a serious disease should be denied access to marijuana if they can benefit from it. Nobody who needs the drug should be denied employment or housing strictly because he or she uses it.

On that score, I think the Michigan Medical Marihuana Act was a huge step in the right direction. But, I can see where critics likeMichigan Attorney General Bill Schuette are coming from when they say the law is too vague and needs to be clarified. Like anything health-related, the pot business needs to be effectively regulated. We also need to be sure society is protected from the dangers of users driving or operating dangerous equipment while intoxicated.

It’s also true that the fledgling medical marijuana industry in the state has a lot to gain from good-faith regulations that could give consumers confidence in the quality of the products sold and ensure medical use of pot is not just recreational use in disguise.

What we can’t have are regulations that restrict the medical pot business so tightly as to effectively ban it. We also should avoid heavy handed actions to “enforce” legal interpretations that are untested in court and/or subject to clarification by the legislature. Groups like the recently formed Michigan Association of Compassion Centers, a trade group for the medical marijuana industry, are right when they imply that recent raids of pot dispensaries have the feel of intimidation.

Michigan voters were serious when they voted to approve the use of medical marijuana. Any legislation passed should respect that. If it doesn’t, then Gov. Rick Snyder ought to veto it and voters should take notice.

Side note: Anybody interested in the history of the Prohibition era – and Michigan’s role in its downfall – really should check out Detroit native Daniel Okrent’s fascinating book, “Last Call: The Rise and Fall of Prohibition.” You’ll never look at the Detroit River the same way again.

Mullin saga spotlights need to think radical thoughts

If the Wayne County airport board thought firing Turkia Mullin would end the controversy surrounding the “severance” she received – and then gave back – after leaving her last job, it looks like they are wrong.

Unless the board finds a face-saving way to sever Mullin’s employment contract on terms acceptable for both sides, this circus is going to be in town for a long time. It’s a show nobody wants to see. And it has the potential – like the continuing Kwame Kilpatrick saga – to make the state’s most populous region look silly, backward and dysfunctional. Something has to change.

At this point, it is hard to make judgments about the merits of Mullin’s threatened lawsuit. Politically, the decision to fire her seemed unavoidable. It now will be up to the lawyers to decide whether the terms of her contract were violated and whether or not the board acted properly when it made its choice in a closed session.

What’s very clear is that Michigan can’t afford more drama like this. The predictable partisan attacks, finger-pointing and posturing that are sure to follow this won’t help, either. What we need is for some grown-ups (if they can be found) to take a long look at how southeast Michigan is governed and figure out how to make the region’s governments more transparent, sustainable and well-managed.

There already have been calls for new leadership in Wayne County. Maybe that is required. But that won’t solve the problem either, unless the new leaders (or the current ones) are willing to start thinking radical thoughts. We have to be prepared to re-think just about everything and move beyond our historical aversion to sharing power and working together across municipal lines.

Here are some things the Detroit region should ponder now:

Are our executives too powerful? Organizers of the annual Detroit Regional Chamber Mackinac Policy Conference like to trot out the region’s “Big Four” leaders, which are Ficano, Detroit Mayor Dave Bing, Oakland County Executive L. Brooks Patterson and (most recently) Macomb County Executive Mark Hackel. There is a lot to say for having identifiable, accountable people at the top who have the authority to get things done. But, in the wake of the Mullin fiasco, it is worth considering whether such figures are subject to enough oversight and well-defined rules. Call me crazy, but I’m thinking there could be room for improvement there.

Do Detroit and Wayne County have to be separate entities?Indianapolis has a consolidated city-county government under which city and county governments are largely (though not entirely) consolidated. Would that kind of thing work here? It’s hard to say. But we should look at it.

Does it make sense for local governments to run their own benefit and retirement systems, each with their own rules and investment policies? The massive California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS) provides retirement and health benefits to more than 1.6 million public employees, retirees and their families and more than 3,000 public employers in that state. The CalPERS system is far from perfect. But, again it’s an approach worth considering.

How does metro Detroit become the transportation hub it ought to be? Whatever one thinks about how Wayne County Executive Robert Ficano has handled the Mullin situation, his aerotropolisvision is compelling. Add to that a comprehensive, regional mass-transit plan, rail improvements, repaired roads and a second border crossing over the Detroit River and we’ll be onto something. We are nowhere near there yet, and that is a tragedy.

I have no clue whether the ideas expressed above are the best possible ones for the Detroit region. I can think of plenty of problems that could be created by implementing any of them. Politically, each is probably as toxic as nuclear waste.

But then again, how is the status quo working out? Maybe we need to start thinking radical thoughts.

Hansen Clarke’s idea to save Detroit could be crazy enough to work

U.S. Rep. Hansen Clarke has a crazy plan to save Michigan’s largest city. Or, I should say, he has a plan that seems that way until one realizes every non-crazy idea for saving Detroit has been either tried already, or dismissed as politically impossible.

To some people, Clarke’s plan still might seem to be a little bit “out there,” even considering all that. But, crazy or not, Clarke’s bold proposal is getting some serious traction and picking up support from both sides of the aisle.

The centerpiece of Clarke’s proposal is something he calls a Detroit Jobs Trust Fund. Before you start thinking “federal bailout,” or “massive hand-out,” you should know that, while the fund would consist of real money, none of it would be yours – that is unless you live or operate a business in Detroit. And even if you do, it would not raise your taxes one penny.

Clarke’s bill would “capture the federal tax revenues collected from persons and entities in the City of Detroit to be invested in local redevelopment efforts for a period of five years.” In other words, it would use Detroit’s own money to fix the city by (and this should be music to the ears of liberals and Tea Party patriots alike) denying about $2 billion per year to the U.S. Treasury.

The largesse would not come without strings. The trust fund would be used only to pay down the debts of the city and the Detroit Public Schools, and for things like public safety, education, needed infrastructure projects and “job development initiatives.”

Clarke’s trust fund bill is part of a broader plan (summarized here) that, among other things, would temporarily eliminate capital gains taxes for investments made in the city and modify visa requirements to encourage immigrants to create jobs in distressed areas like Detroit. Clarke also makes a lot of suggestions intended to help the national economy, such as providing cash assistance to encourage hiring, tax incentives for companies that retrofit buildings with “green” technology, reducing the cost of education and slowing the rate of foreclosures.

It is, however, the Detroit Jobs Trust Fund bill that has attracted the most attention – in part because it is a simple, audacious idea that potentially could be replicated nationwide. Rep. Candice Miller, R-Harrison Township, whose district does not include any of Detroit, is among the 31 co-sponsors of the bill.

In an interview with Detroit Free Press columnist Rochelle Riley, Miller said Clarke’s plan “could be an inexpensive way for the federal government to have some real meaningful urban agenda” and help Detroit, in particular, “get the debt paid and get ahead on crime and do something about the infrastructure.”

I completely agree. So far, fixing America’s urban centers has been like trying to install a sprinkler system in a building that’s already ablaze. Sure, the sprinklers would be a good, long-term solution to the fire problem. But, putting out the flames on the scene will always be more urgent than installing new pipes to fight future conflagrations. Likewise, never-ending revenue shortfalls make it hard for city leaders to even think about making investments that could pay off in the future.

The trust fund could give Detroit a second chance while helping to accelerate and expand a palpable resurgence already taking place in some parts of the city. And it would do it by simply giving Detroiters the chance to help themselves – with their own money.

Does Clarke’s plan have a chance? In this Congress, it’s impossible to overestimate the challenges facing any bill, from any Democrat – especially one that would address the needs of primarily Democratic voters. But, then again, it’s also hard to count Hansen out.

I had a tiny part in helping Clarke get elected – a little entry-level volunteer work that consisted of making some phone calls, canvassing door-to-door and marching with him in a parade. From that vantage point, I had a good chance to observe him and take his measure.

Clarke, like a lot of politicians, is fond of saying things like “the people have all the power.” The difference is that Clarke, who grew up on the mean streets of Detroit’s east side where faking it can be fatal, actually means it. When he says it, he isn’t spouting trite rhetoric or merely trying to rev up a crowd. He is issuing a warning. Clarke wants those in Washington and elsewhere to know that “people power” is real and that he considers himself to be an instrument of the people.

It’s a simple and powerful message. And Clarke’s proposal backs it up by asking Washington for little more than the chance to exercise that power locally, directly and with money already in the community.

If sincerity and tenacity still count for anything in the hyper-partisan atmosphere of today’s Washington, Clarke’s crazy idea could well end up being the law of the land.

Occupy Wall Street: Good people in need of a coherent agenda (and I’m here to help)

Is OWS a rebellion in search of a cause? To some extent, it is. But never fear, I am here to help.

As I said I would in my previous column, I have spent some time hanging out with the Detroit OWS crowd. No, I have not been camping out in Grand Circus Park. I am not committed enough to my craft to sleep in a drafty tent in October. But I attended the group’s initial meeting and have spent some time visiting the “occupation” site. Based on that experience, I have learned a few things:

First, some of the hangers-on in the OWS crowd really are the sort of garden-variety radical nuts one sees selling communist newspapers on college campuses. But for the most part, the OWS crowd is not crazy, not anti-American and not particularly anti-capitalism. They are just ticked off.

Second, the OWS movement, which is moving into its second month, is pretty clear about what it is against. In a nutshell, most OWS participants think the roughly 1 percent of Americans who can afford to buy members of Congress have rigged the economy in their favor. They want that to stop.

What’s less clear is what OWS (aka the 99 Percent Movement), isfor – other than, say, a basic restoration of the old-fashioned social contract that created the American middle class. How to get there? That’s not so clear.

In fairness, it’s not surprising that a brand new grassroots movement like OWS lacks a detailed platform. But, to some extent, I think critics are right when they say OWS needs very soon to start making some specific suggestions. So, I decided to help.

What follows are eight points I have circulated among the Detroit OWS crowd – to a fairly good response. I was so encouraged that I also e-mailed these ideas to OWS in New York. If I hear back from them, I’ll let you know.

1. Reinstate the Glass-Steagall Act, which created a healthy separation of commercial and investment banks. The repeal of Glass-Steagall Act in 1999 made possible some of the worst abuses that caused the banking crisis of 2008. Clearly, repeal was a failure and we need to go back to what works.
2. Pass a real jobs bill. The proposed American Jobs Act contains a lot of good ideas, but is insufficient. Congress should pass a bill that spends even more on infrastructure, devotes more money to education and includes direct hiring modeled after the Depression-era Civilian Conservation Corps and Works Projects Administration.
3. Commit to letting the Bush tax cuts expire. The tax rates of the 1990s worked well and produced federal surpluses. The Bush tax cuts didn’t. We should re-impose those tax rates – first on the wealthy and, over time, on everybody else.
4. Get the big money out of politics. There are a lot of ways in which this could be done. One of the best ways would be to create a system for public financing of campaigns. But less-dramatic, intermediate steps that move us in the right direction should be supported.
5. Overturn the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling. This will probably require a constitutional amendment declaring that the Constitution of the United States protects only the rights of natural persons. The rights of corporations should be limited to those outlined in statutes passed by Congress and state legislatures.
6. Review all trade agreements and renegotiate the bad ones. Free trade can be a good thing, if it is thoughtfully set up with the interests of American workers in mind. Too often, it isn’t. Trade agreements that pit American workers against low-wage foreign labor in a race to the bottom need to be altered or eliminated.
7. Rebuild America. Future generations need this one to leave them with a strong national infrastructure. If we are going to do that, we need to get started with all deliberate speed.
8. Protect health care reform and build upon what has been passed. The Affordable Care Act is far from perfect, but scrapping it is a recipe for decades of further inaction. Let’s instead concentrate on making it better over time, establishing access to good health care as a right for all Americans.

Why I might help occupy Detroit

After initially getting big play on liberal websites and almost nowhere else, the Occupy Wall Street movement is finally getting attention from the mainstream media – which is what its organizers wanted. Good for them, right? Not really.

When Oscar Wilde said “the only thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about,” he could not have known about today’s cable news, talk radio and social media. These days, when those doing the talking misrepresent and mock you in front of a national audience, that’s a problem. And, oh boy… OWS, which is just now getting started in metro Detroit, has trouble on its hands.

Fox News, predictably, has been apoplectic. Sean Hannity recently had Ann Coulter on his show to talk about “the destructive Occupy Wall Street protests.” Coulter, true to form, was more than happy to describe OWS as a “classic mob uprising.”

Rush Limbaugh has not given the protesters even that much credit. “Parasites” is a word he has used to describe them. Recently, CNN’s Alison Kosik used her Twitter feed to describe the purpose of OWS as “bang on the bongos, smoke weed.”

To some extent, this isn’t entirely the fault of the media. I have been part of enough liberal protests to know they can attract some colorful people. Aging hippies still exist and, God love ‘em, you will find them at events like this. Almost invariably, somebody will show up to sell communist newspapers. Bongos really might be part of the festivities. If that’s all you see (or all you are looking for) when you arrive, it can leave a bad impression.

Look beyond the surface, though, and it’s clear that OWS (aka the 99 percent movement) is about a lot more than bongos, weed and the latest edition of Worker’s Vanguard. It’s about pain and insecurity. It’s about disappointment. It’s about people who were wiped out because they were laid off in middle age or got sick and lost health insurance. It’s not a joke. Any policymaker or politician who treats it that way does so at his or her own career peril.

Presidential hopeful Herman Cain, in particular, does not get that. “I don’t have the facts to back this up,” he told the Wall Street Journal, “but I happen to believe that these demonstrations are planned and orchestrated to distract from the failed policies of the Obama Administration.”

He then went on to accuse the protesters of being just a bunch of complainers. His advice to the protesters was “blame yourself” for not being rich or for being unemployed. “It’s not someone’s fault if they succeeded,” Cain said, so resenting them doesn’t help anyone. That is true, and Cain would have a point if unfocused, primeval envy of the rich was a key motivator among OWA protestors. Based on statements I have read on OWA-connected websites, it isn’t.

Like most Americans, what grinds their gears isn’t wealth – it’s the scheming, fraud and manipulation of the system some people use to get it. In the case of Wall Street executives, the problem is not that they are rich – it’s how they got rich. More than that, it’s about how they managed to stay rich after their recklessness crashed the economy in 2008. So, yes, OWA folks resent some specific rich people. But that does not make them class warriors.

They also are not bunch of stupid, lazy, welfare-sucking losers. Largely, they are people who have gotten an education, worked hard and did their jobs before having the rug pulled out from under them. The last thing they want is a welfare check or endless extensions of unemployment benefits. They want to work and they want their work to be valued. They want their dignity back.

Cain wants the OWS protestors to stop complaining and help themselves. Well, with all due respect, Mr. Cain. I think that is what they are doing. They are getting organized. They are sharing ideas. They are, maybe, becoming a political force to be reckoned with.

I don’t know what will come of these protests. But I know where those folks are coming from. I have been where they are and I know how it feels. For that reason, I’m going to spend some time hanging with the OWS crowd, just to find out more. If Mr. Cain would like to join me, that would be great.